President and Founder of Center for Security Policy (CSP) Council for National Policy (CNP), Project for a New American Century (PNAC) Jewish Institute for National Security of America (JINSA) member Gaffney is a contributor and contributing editor for a number of publications, including the Washington Times, National Review Online, WorldNetDaily, Jewish World Review., Breitbart and Horowitz’s FrontPage Magazine. He also co-authored book with David Horowitz.
Frank J. Gaffney, Jr. has been called one of the "key ideologues who are the nerve center of the Islamophobia network" and is founder and president of the Center for Security Policy, a non-profit think tank "funded mainly by U.S. defense contractors (Boeing, Lockheed Martin, General Dynamics, Northrop Grumman, CACI International) , old money industrialist foundations (Bradley Foundation, Templeton Foundation, Olin Foundation), and right-wing Zionists (Nina Rosenwald, The Rennerts)" Gaffney is a long term neoconservative.
Trump administration
Since 2017 several people with ties to the CSP have joined the Trump administration, including Counselor to the President Kellyanne Conway in 2017, chief of staff for the National Security Council Fred Fleitz in 2018, and Deputy National Security Advisor Charles Kupperman in 2019. Kupperman served on the board of directors for CSP between 2001 and 2010.
The Trump administration used reports released by the CSP when it proposed to ban all Muslims from entering the United States.
Fear Inc
The Center for American Progress report "Fear, Inc.: The Roots of the Islamophobia Network in America" calls Gaffney a key ideologue in the Islamophobia network "responsible for originating and manufacturing the intellectual arguments, rhetoric, and talking points" used to spread anti-Islamic falsehoods.
Obama "Birther" Conspiracy Theories
Prominent voices within the Gaffney's circle popularized the "Birther" conspiracy asserting that Obama was born in Kenya. The birther accusations about Barack Obama’s eligibility to serve as president were the issue that catapulted Donald Trump onto the political landscape.
Obama Administration "Submission to Islam" Based on Missile Defense Logo
In February 2010, Gaffney alleged the Obama Administration had been infiltrated by Islamists and "is all about accommodating that “Islamic Republic” and its ever-more aggressive stance," based on the fact that the new logo for the Missile Defense Agency "appears ominously to reflect a morphing of the Islamic crescent and star with the Obama campaign logo."
Missile Defense Agency spokesman Rick Lehne told The Washington Post: This was a logo that was developed three years ago for our recruiting materials and our public Web site. It did not replace our official MDA logo, and of course it has no ties to any political campaign. It was done one year before the 2008 elections. So the whole thing is pretty ridiculous.
Military industrial complex shill Gaffney said "Team Obama’s anti-anti-missile initiatives are not simply acts of unilateral disarmament of the sort to be expected from an Alinsky acolyte. They seem to fit an increasingly obvious and worrying pattern of official U.S. submission to Islam and the theo-political-legal program the latter’s authorities call Shariah." This incredible statement considering Obama not only signed off on many new military projects involving developing new missiles for
12 ballistic missile submarines, missiles for the F-35 and the Air Force was awarded a contract for a new bomber program, known as a long-range strike bomber
but his well documented drone program targeted Muslims.
Another interesting correlation to President Donald Trump is the he used similar talking points portrayed the country’s military spending as woefully inadequate under the Obama administration.
The Committee on the Present Danger
The Committee on the Present Danger is an extension of Gaffney's Center for Security Policy. Gaffney serves as co-chair of the most recent version - Committee on the Present Danger China. Other members of the committee include FDD Advisors Newt Gingrich, R. James Woolsey and Sen. Joe Lieberman.
Background
Gaffney was originally brought into politics via Henry "Scoop" Jackson. From 1983-1987 he was Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense Nuclear Forces and Arms Control Policy under Richard N. Perle who worked under Jackson and in April 1987 Gaffney became Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Policy. Gaffney is the former chairman of the High Level Group at NATO.
American Enterprise Institute
By February 1988, Gaffney had moved to the American Enterprise Institute.[23] That month, he took part in an AEI review of the INF Treaty with Perle, Douglas Feith, Michael Mobbs and Seymour Weiss. Their analysis concluded that effective verification of the agreement was nearly impossible.[24] Also that month, conservative Senator Gordon Humphrey demanded that Perle and Gaffney be included in Senate hearings on the treaty.
In March 1988, Perle and Gaffney wrote to members of Congress opposing an agreement to allow Japan to obtain plutonium from US nuclear waste.
Hudson Institute
By May 1988, Gaffney had become a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute.
In October 1988, Gaffney warned against "the almost naive notion that peace is breaking out all over" because of Soviet peace initiatives.
"I personally believe it is a very thoughtful, carefully tailored and quite cynical effort (by Moscow) to promote precisely that impression, not just in the United States, but in Germany and rest of the Western world," he said in a telephone interview from Washington, D.C.
In December 1988, Gaffney outlined his view of the threats facing the US to the AEI's annual policy conference:
I think, to a very considerable degree, the ability of a democracy like ours to meet its requirements of a global nature is a direct function of the perception, public popular perception in particular, of the degree to which those interests are threatened. As the perceived threat diminishes, irrespective of the actual threat -- as the perceived threat diminishes, generally speaking so does the priority accorded to resources made available to deal with that threat. And there are two important, hardly exclusive, but two important trends that are at work at the moment that infinitely complicate the task of ensuring the public properly understands the threat, properly perceives the threat. The one which Judy alluded to at the outset is, obviously, the very vigorous campaign being waged with considerable success by Mikhail Gorbachev, aimed at, as Georgi Arbatov let slip recently, denying us an enemy.
In January 1989, Gaffney criticized the Reagan administration's attempts to negotiate a ban on chemical weapons:
I think in a world in which we live, not the world necessarily we would like or the world that we could imagine and certainly the world that our negotiators will try to negotiate. We are going to have to have a continuing capability in this country to deter the use of chemical weapons against us and or allies and that means not giving up our own stockpile, modest though it is, of chemical weapons and, in fact, taking modest steps to modernize it.
In a March 1989 Brookings Institute seminar, Gaffney argued that the Soviet Union would continue to seek hegemony on the Eurasian landmass:
"It remains to be seen whether we can continue to defeat them in that objective, which I think is vital to our interest as well as that of Western Europe, now that we are facing a more subtle political and military agenda on the part of Mr. Gorbachev and the Soviet leadership. I think the Soviet interests, through arms control, through seduction, through economic entrapment, and other means of obtaining that objective, is unflagging. And we would be very poorly served if lose sight of that."
In May 1989, Gaffney criticized West German opposition to the modernization of the Lance short range missile. ]A month later, tensions were reported within the Bush administration ahead of strategic arms reduction talks in Geneva:
The Pentagon's office of international security policy is packed with holdovers from the most hard-line elements of the Reagan administration. Its top civilians in charge of arms control, Mark Schendier and Bob Joseph, are proteges of Richard Perle and Frank Gaffney, the leading arms control hard-liners while Caspar W. Weinberger was Reagan's defense secretary.
One top Pentagon official said: "We don't have arms controllers in the Department of Defense. We have antiarms controllers."
In August 1989, Gaffney issued a CSP report calling for a moratorium on trade liberalization with the Soviet Union, following the launch of an intelligence investigation into Felix S. Bloch, an official at the Stated Department's European Affairs Bureau. The report was endorsed by former government officials William Schneider, Kenneth deGraffenreid and Roger Robinson.
In September 1989, Gaffney told the Washington Times that President George H.W. Bush would nominate R. James Woolsey as a strategic arms negotiator in an attempt to reach out to Congressional Democrats. In the same article, Richard Perle said he would not object to the nomination.
In October, Gaffney noted that Bush officials had adopted a more positive tone towards perestrioka compared to the early months of the administration:
"The rhetoric was more cautious and more restrained, certainly than it is now. I think the actual policy that was being put into place was more consistent" with the current tone of administration statements, Mr. Gaffney said. He called the latter "a corrective action to bring the rhetoric into line with the policy."
Gaffney's Center for Security Policy released a position in November, which warned that a December summit would see Gorbachev demanding increased western support while cracking down on democratization at home.
"Gorbachev is saying that events in the U.S.S.R. and Eastern Europe are making Soviet repression inevitable," Mr. Gaffney said. "Evidently the administration is disposed to view repressive actions as necessary - and by definition, acceptable - evils on the road to reform."
"What worries me is that we've begun to substitute the idea of helping Gorbachev for the idea of promoting change in the Soviet Union," Gaffney told Business Week, in an article which suggested that hardliners in the administration included Dick Cheney and Robert Gates.[38] He reiterated this view in December, at an AEI policy conference on Arms control, where he spoke alongside Kenneth Adelman, Stephen Hadley and Patrick Glynn.
Gaffney was criticial of the outcome of the Malta summit:
"Mr Bush has precious little to show for his new commitment to a partnership with the Soviets - except the promise of new financial liabilities for US taxpayers in rescuing Moscow's failed economy, a continuing Soviet-sponsored effort to destabilize the Western Hemisphere and the looming prospect of a raft of arms control agreements that will be neither carefully prepared, nor effectively verifiable nor in the interest of the US.
The Guardian's Martin Walker suggested that such views reflected a conservative constituency that Bush was not strong enough to ignore, and which was represented by administration figures such as Cheney.
With the iron curtain crumbling, Gaffney gave his view of what America's response should be in January 1990.
Very quickly, the key elements of our policy at this point, I think must be to maintain the defense structure that we have, including our Alliance arrangements. I think at least until we see what emerges from this devolving Soviet Union, that is the only appropriate policy. The corollary to that is that we must go slow on arms control, not accelerate it in order to make deals with Gorbachev while he lasts, which appears to be the Bush administration's policy. It's striking that in the Conventional Forces in Europe talks, the CFE talks, the outcome of doing so may well be to give a legitimacy, as Chris mentioned the Helsinki agreement did, to the Soviet presence in Eastern Europe that none of the East Europeans seem to wish to have.
Later that month, Gaffney said that plans to relax COCOM restrictions would be "a significant infusion of high-technology to the military sector of the Soviet Union". He reiterated the point in March:
"I'm afraid the biggest beneficiary of all this tech trade will be the Soviet military," says Frank Gaffney, a former deputy assistant Defense secretary. "The guy on the street in Poland won't be buying our computers. He can't even afford a loaf of bread."
Gaffney also spoke out against plans for a fibre-optic link with the Soviet Union.
"A Soviet fiber-optic network will . . . make it infinitely more difficult for the West to monitor Soviet communications, a decisive factor assessing leadership intentions, status of forces and preparations for conflict."
When an Iraqi weapons procurement program was broken up in Britain in 1990, Gaffney Commented "There is no doubt these weapons are aimed against Israel. But that's not the only target."
For Gaffney, the Iraqi successes reveal the control regime's shortcomings more than its failure. "Since we cannot stop the proliferation of missile technology, we should deploy anti-ballistic missile systems" such as the joint U.S.-Israeli "Arrow" project, Brilliant Pebbles (an SDI concept), and a ground-based point defense system, Gaffney argues. "These would be an infinitely more powerful disincentive than MTCR to any government thinking of investing a significant portion of its treasury in acquiring missile technology."
When the USSR cut off supplies to Vilnius following its unilateral declaration of independence, Gaffney said it was a "scam" to believe the USSR would ever let the country go. "Bush's inability even to impose 'Potemkin' economic sanctions in response to Gorbachev's crackdown on Lithuania amounts to writing a blank check,", he said.
Following the murder of Dr Gerald Bull, Gaffney suggested Bull's illicit arms trading might have been overlooked:
"The truth is the administration of export controls from this country is a sometime thing," he said. "When you talk about policing exports from third countries, it's a very erratic thing." But "there is always the possibility we or other countries were looking the other way," he added.
In an April 1990 commentary for the Washington Times, Gaffney attacked attempts to cancel the V-22 Osprey program, which he called "the most promising aerospace development since the invention of the jet engine".
In May 1990, Gaffney criticized negotiations to remove short-range nuclear weapons from Germany.
"This administration has been too willing to give away things it doesn't have to," said Frank Gaffney, president of the Center for Security Policy. "The Soviets are in the position of a river boat gambler. They have no cards, and unfortunately they are likely to get the pot."
Affiliations
According to the Modern History Project, the following are Gaffney's affiliations:
American Committee for Peace in the Caucasus
Center for Security Policy
Council for National Policy
Committee on the Present Danger - Member
Family Security Matters – member, board of advisors (dates uncertain)
Foundation for the Defense of Democracies - Distinguished Advisor
Georgetown University – B.A. Foreign Service
Project for the New American Century - Signatory
School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) – M.A. International Studies
United States Committee for a Free Lebanon - 'Golden Circle' supporter
United States Department of Defense – Officer of, 1983 to 1987; Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Nuclear Forces and Arms Control Policy (Reagan administration)
United States Legislative Branch – Officer of, 1981 to 1983; Staff Member, Senate Armed Services Committee
Zionist Organization of America
Center for Security Policy - Contributor to CSP front group Family Security Matters.
He is a proponent of a new version of the infamous House Un-American Activities Committee to root out suspected Muslim subversives.
Other affiliations include:
Committee for Peace and Security in the Gulf, Signatory February 1998 letter
Middle East Forum - Study Participant, May 2000
Coalition for Liberty, Security, and the Law - Signatory
Washington Times - Columnist
Defense News - Monthly Contributor
Investor's Business Daily - Monthly Contributor
Benador Associates - Expert Speaker
Ariel Center for Policy Research - Contributing Expert
National Review Online - Contributing Editor
Americans for Victory over Terrorism - Former Senior Advisor
Set America Free Coalition - Member
International Free Press Society - Board of Advisors